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America would pretend to back the Nazis until it could find a way to rid the world of Fromisch and his followers.
• • •
Unaware of the President’s true purpose, Cheninko watched in utter disbelief.
In a rage, the Russian leader ordered the Soviet High Command to appear in his office within the hour to present its plan for the conquest of Germany.
CHAPTER 9
December 14—10:07 a.m.
Inside the Kremlin
Moscow
Comrade Cheninko sat behind his massive desk. He did nothing to hide the anger that showed in his eyes and blackened his soul. Five of the Soviet Union’s highest-ranking military officers filed into the Premier’s ornate office. The Admiral of the Soviet Navies was the first into the room. Next came the field marshals commanding Army Group North and Army Group Central. The Commander of the Soviet Air Forces followed them in. The last to enter was the junior officer in the group, Comrade General Valexi Yovanovich, the Director of Operations for the Soviet High Command. Unlike the fat old men who had come before him, the younger Yovanovich stood ramrod straight before Cheninko.
General Yovanovich prided himself on his powerful body, which was without a hint of excess. His dark, wavy hair, with the slightest touch of gray at the temples, accentuated his rugged good looks and square jaw. Yovanovich’s booming voice and calm demeanor were every bit as powerful as his finely honed body. He was a man to be reckoned with, of which he was acutely aware.
They were here to present Yovanovich’s plan for the conquest of Germany. Nervousness was etched upon the first four faces. Their discomfort showed in their stilted movements and furrowed brows. Only Yovanovich appeared to be at ease. Each knew it was the brilliant Yovanovich’s performance that their lives depended upon.
Premier Cheninko wasted no time in getting to the point.
“Did you see what the American President said on television last night? How dare he back Fromisch and the Nazi pigs?”
“Yes, Comrade Premier, we saw,” the leader of the Soviet Air Forces said.
“We have no choice now but to attack. Have you done what you were told? Have you devised a plan to destroy the Germans?” Cheninko said.
Each looked to Valexi Yovanovich.
“Yes, Comrade Premier,” Yovanovich said. “With our plan, we’ll conquer Germany in five days.”
The others anxiously awaited Cheninko’s reaction. They’d told Yovanovich not to make such bold statements. But as usual, he hadn’t listened. Each knew that in the new Russia, bold statements were a one-way ticket to the gulags.
“What?” Cheninko said. “Five days?” There was disbelief on the Premier’s face.
General Yovanovich had anticipated Cheninko’s reaction. “Yes, Comrade Premier, with your help, we’ll capture Germany in five days.”
“My help?”
“Comrade Premier, I’m afraid we can’t defeat the Nazis without your help. Your role in conquering Germany will be quite significant.”
A smile came to Cheninko’s face. The idea that he would play a major part in eliminating the Nazi threat to Mother Russia pleased him greatly.
“What help is it you’ll need from me, Comrade General?”
“Comrade Cheninko, it would probably be best if I laid out our plan for you. Your role is quite important. It’ll be more easily understood, however, if I explain the overall concept. Our plan covers every aspect of the conquest of our enemies. It involves four elements—deception, sabotage, power, and diplomacy. We’ve left nothing to chance. With this plan, we’ll capture Germany in five days.”
“Five days, Yovanovich. How can such be possible?”
“Because our enemies have been far too distracted in the past thirty-three years. The Americans’ entire focus had been on destroying those who indiscriminately practice terror. While the Americans pursued their goal of destroying the fanatics, they had little choice but to let down their guard just a little nearly everywhere else in the world. In this relentless pursuit, they have exhausted their military both physically and psychologically. They spent years trying to eliminate an elusive foe they neither understood nor, until they became hopelessly bogged down in fighting, regarded as anything but a vastly inferior opponent.”
“That may be true, Yovanovich, but I still don’t see how any of that guarantees we can conquer Germany in so short a time.”
“Comrade Premier, until you came to power, the Americans had felt far too secure in Europe. They had continued to reduce their forces in Germany from a Cold War high of three hundred thousand to barely twenty-five thousand. While they continued to maintain two divisions’ worth of pre-positioned equipment in Germany, they left not a single combat soldier on German soil. And they kept just two functioning air bases. To tell you the truth, they may have had no other option but to divert their forces to the degree they did while they spent more than two decades hunting down the zealots. Once they ended most of their lengthy forays in the Middle East, they thought there would be time for their military to rest and heal. For that reason, when the new Cold War began, they were somewhat slow in responding to what was happening in Europe. They are clearly trying to rectify that mistake, but we are certain the force we presently face on the battlefield is one that we can conquer with relative ease.”
“Do you believe we have an accurate estimate on the opposition that awaits us, Yovanovich?”
“Yes, Comrade Premier. Our intelligence is quite good. In the past couple of years, the Americans have returned two armored divisions and three cavalry regiments to Germany. We believe that while they are making plans to reopen a number of fighter air bases, for now we will battle only the two that remained after the American drawdown. At this moment, we estimate we face approximately one hundred thousand Americans along with the British, Canadian, and German forces. We are confident that while the Americans have yet to fully decide to return to their earlier Cold War force levels, their recent reopening of their primary transport air base at Rhein-Main is a sure sign of their intent to greatly fortify Germany and Western Europe. I fully expect that if we give them a few more years, they will double their combat forces and increase their fighter air bases to at least four. But as they will see quite soon, the efforts they’ve made so far are going to be far too little and much too late.”
“Comrade General, while they might only have two functioning fighter air bases within Germany,” Cheninko said, “you cannot forget their air forces in England, Spain, Italy, Greece, and Turkey. And their significant seaborne forces.”
“I’ll get to that, Comrade Premier. But first I wish to address only the forces opposing us within Germany itself. As I just stated, the Americans are down to one-third the force we’d have faced during the first Cold War. A force we could’ve defeated then.”
Another bold statement. Again, those present awaited Cheninko’s reaction. Valexi Yovanovich was going to be either the next Premier of the Soviet Union or standing in front of a firing squad by the end of the week. And they knew they’d be standing with him.
Yovanovich never hesitated. He showed no outward concern for what the Premier’s response might be.
“The British likewise had reduced their forces,” Yovanovich said. “There are less than fifty thousand British and Canadian soldiers guarding the northern half of Germany. And as was demonstrated during the recent people’s war to liberate East Germany, the German military force of three hundred thousand active duty and reserves wasn’t even capable of dealing with a simple insurrection. The Germans demonstrated weakness in both leadership and organization.”
“Yes, Yovanovich, you’re correct. The German military did show such weaknesses. If it hadn’t been for that vile dog, Fromisch, East Germany would be in our hands right now.”
“Comrade Cheninko, do not concern yourself unnecessarily. Our plan will undoubtedly correct that problem in the very near
