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The truth was that the Conservatives felt Spain had elected people who were dangerously left-wing. Men such as Fitzherbert would not be unhappy if the Spanish government was violently overthrown and replaced by right-wing extremists. Lloyd seethed with frustration.
Then had come this chance to fight Fascism at home.
"It's ridiculous," Bernie had said a week ago, when the march had been announced. "The Metropolitan Police must force them to change the route. They have the right to march, of course, but not in Stepney." However, the police said they did not have the power to interfere with a perfectly legal demonstration.
Bernie and Ethel and the mayors of eight London boroughs had been in a delegation that begged the home secretary, Sir John Simon, to ban the march or at least divert it, but he, too, claimed he had no power to act.
The question of what to do next had split the Labour Party, the Jewish community, and the Williams family.
The Jewish People's Council Against Fascism and Anti-Semitism, founded by Bernie and others three months ago, had called for a massive counterdemonstration that would keep the Fascists out of Jewish streets. Their slogan was the Spanish phrase "No pasaran," meaning "They shall not pass," the cry of the anti-Fascist defenders of Madrid. The council was a small organization with a grand name. It occupied two upstairs rooms in a building on Commercial Road, and it owned a Gestetner duplicating machine and a couple of old typewriters. But it commanded huge support in the East End. In forty-eight hours it had collected an incredible one hundred thousand signatures on a petition calling for the march to be banned. Still the government did nothing.
Only one major political party supported the counterdemonstration, and that was the Communists. The protest was also backed by the fringe Independent Labour Party, to which Lenny belonged. The other parties were against.
Ethel said: "I see The Jewish Chronicle has advised its readers to stay off the streets today."
This was the problem, in Lloyd's opinion. A lot of people were taking the view that it was best to keep out of trouble. But that would give the Fascists a free hand.
Bernie, who was Jewish though not religious, said to Ethel: "How can you quote The Jewish Chronicle at me? It believes Jews should not be against Fascism, just anti-Semitism. What kind of political sense does that make?"
"I hear that the Board of Deputies of British Jews says the same as the Chronicle," Ethel persisted. "Apparently there was an announcement yesterday in all the synagogues."
"Those so-called deputies are alrightniks from Golders Green," Bernie said with contempt. "They've never been insulted on the streets by Fascist hooligans."
"You're in the Labour Party," Ethel said accusingly. "Our policy is not to confront the Fascists on the streets. Where's your solidarity?"
Bernie said: "What about solidarity with my fellow Jews?"
"You're only Jewish when it suits you. And you've never been abused on the street."
"All the same, the Labour Party has made a political mistake."
"Just remember, if you allow the Fascists to provoke violence, the press will blame the left for it, r
egardless of who really started it."
Lenny said rashly: "If Mosley's boys start a fight, they'll get what's coming to them."
Ethel sighed. "Think about it, Lenny: in this country, who's got the most guns--you and Lloyd and the Labour Party, or the Conservatives with the army and the police on their side?"
"Oh," said Lenny. Clearly he had not considered that.
Lloyd said angrily to his mother: "How can you talk like that? You were in Berlin three years ago--you saw how it was. The German left tried to oppose Fascism peacefully, and look what happened to them."
Bernie put in: "The German Social Democrats failed to form a popular front with the Communists. That allowed them to be picked off separately. Together they might have won." Bernie had been angry when the local Labour Party branch had refused an offer from the Communists to form a coalition against the march.
Ethel said: "An alliance with Communists is a dangerous thing."
She and Bernie disagreed on this. In fact it was an issue that split the Labour Party. Lloyd thought that Bernie was right and Ethel wrong. "We have to use every resource we've got to defeat Fascism," he said; then he added diplomatically: "But Mam's right, it will be best for us if today goes off without violence."
"It will be best if you all stay home, and oppose the Fascists through the normal channels of democratic politics," Ethel said.
"You tried to get equal pay for women through the normal channels of democratic politics," Lloyd said. "You failed." Only last April women Labour M.P.s had promoted a parliamentary bill to guarantee female government employees equal pay for equal work. It had been voted down by the male-dominated House of Commons.
"You don't give up on democracy every time you lose a vote," Ethel said crisply.
The trouble was, Lloyd knew, that these divisions could fatally weaken the anti-Fascist forces, as had happened in Germany. Today would be a harsh test. Political parties could try to lead, but the people would choose whom to follow. Would they stay at home, as urged by the timid Labour Party and The Jewish Chronicle? Or would they come out onto the streets in their thousands and say no to Fascism? By the end of the day he would know the answer.
There was a knock at the back door and their neighbor Sean Dolan came in dressed in his churchgoing suit. "I'll be joining you after Mass," he said to Bernie. "Where should we meet up?"
