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Bruce had old friends in the State Department who out of school told him that the Brits had approached FDR about the subject, whispering that they would be happy with Donovan assuming the position. But Bruce knew that there was no way in hell Wild Bill would give up being spymaster, and certainly not to be tied to an embassy desk and making cautious happy talk.
Donovan can be diplomatic. But as a rule Medal of Honor winners don’t suffer fools gladly. Wild Bill would much rather unleash that Irish temper and, borrowing his language, ream someone a new anal orifice than attempt to kill them with kindness.
“Winant,” Bruce said, “called inquiring what the hell is going on with General Sikorski. Apparently the Polish Government-in-exile is making it known at the embassy that it doesn’t feel it’s getting its due from the Allies.”
The sixty-two-year-old Wladyslaw Sikorski, who had served as commander in chief of the Polish Armed Forces and chief of the Polish General Staff, was prime minister of the Polish Government-in-exile in London.
Stevens raised his eyebrows. “After being trampled by the Germans and the Russians, I cannot say that I blame the Poles. But telling Winant anything about what we are doing to support Sikorski and the resistance is the last thing we need to do. Ironically, despite his position, he simply cannot keep his mouth shut.”
“Agreed,” Bruce said. “And Sikorski is tough. He smells Winant’s weakness and knows he can pressure him. To what end he will be successful, however, remains unclear. Because Winant, after the diplomatic firestorms that Joe Kennedy caused, won’t do anything without FDR signing off on it personally. And likely not even then.”
“Which is why he called you? To find out what we’re doing, and then tell Sikorski that that’s all he’s going to get?”
“That’s my take, except I’m not going to tell him because Sikorski has been valuable to us. We obviously want to keep it that way.”
He took from his desktop a decrypted message from OSS Bern Station and passed it to Stevens.
“This is the response to my message to Allen Dulles about those SS identity papers.”
“The ones Sausagemaker got when they tried rescuing that trainload of prisoners?” Stevens said.
He noticed that Bruce made a face when he used the code name for the Polish resistance leader, Mordechaj Szerynski, and decided it was because it reminded Bruce that Major Richard M. Canidy had come up with it. Stevens knew that the diplomatic-minded Bruce was solidly in the camp of those who considered Canidy a reckless agent, and Canidy’s choice of flippant code names—among other unconventional acts—seemed only to reinforce that opinion.
Stevens, however, because his background was military and not diplomacy, understood Canidy’s actions as an OSS operative and thus held a far higher opinion of him.
Bruce nodded. “The ones that Sikorski passed to us two days ago.”
Stevens read the message:
* * *
TOP SECRET
OPERATIONAL IMMEDIATE
X STATION CHIEF
FILE
COPY NO. 1
OF 1 COPY ONLY
30MAY43 0730
TOP SECRET
FOR OSS LONDON
EYES ONLY COL BRUCE
FROM OSS BERN
BEGIN QUOTE
DAVID,
MY ABWEHR SOURCE CONFIRMS THAT THE SS IDENTITY CARDS LISTED IN YOUR MESSAGE OF 28MAY ARE IN FACT GENUINE.
